Final_paper_heritage_management_in_Peru more

Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 The State of the Cultural Heritage Management in Peru Introduction There is an increasing awareness of the role of cultural heritage might have in the search for a national identity in Peru. Although the government policies concerning archaeological heritage need to be improved, and despite a movement towards the indiscriminate touristic use of the heritage, the recent trends of Peru's archaeological management concur with sustainable development tendencies and continuity. Peru is one of the few places in the world where the social complexity of its indigenous communities reached high levels of development. Since the Early Archaic Period (4,000 – 2,000 BC), Andean societies have left enormous testimonies of their existence; such as large built complexes composed of sunken courts, huge artificial platforms and large plazas. All of these features are made of stone and mud, some extending to more than three consecutive football fields in length. One of these societal centers is Caral. Dubbed the “earliest civilization in Americas” (Shady 2003:335), Caral is a massive architectural complex dated between 4090 – 3640 BP (Shady et. al. 2001). Hundreds of archaeological monuments similar in magnitude to Caral, but belonging to later chronological periods, are distributed along the territory of the Republic of Peru. This immense cultural patrimony awaits a Master Plan that can integrate the past with social use 1 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 in the present. Recently, some Inka sites especially in the Cuzco region, have received a little attention, but unfortunately it has been motivated only by the lucrative commercial aspect of tourism. At the expense of archaeological sites, tourism in the city of Cuzco has favored multinational corporations with the construction of modern hotels and a new train system to Machu Picchu, an obligatory tourist destination. The indigenous communities, that are the direct inheritors of this patrimony are not participating in these primarily commercial changes. Or, they are minimally involved as laborers and infrequently consulted advisors relegated to the periphery of decisions affecting the fate of their cultural resources. In spite of the lack of attention given to the interests of the minority indigenous populations, there has been an increased demand and utilization of archaeological sites by local communities, especially with monuments in the periphery of the city of Cuzco. Performances and festivities associated with the Inka agricultural calendar cycle, are annually celebrated in Sacsahuaman, an Inka fortress near the city of Cuzco (Flores Ochoa 2004:110). One of the most notable is the feast of Inti Raymi, performed during the winter solstice in the southern hemisphere. By definition, cultural heritage encompasses all the tangible manifestations of a determined social group inherited from the past and that still survives in the present (Lumbreras 1981). Some examples of heritage in Peru are: archaeological sites, architectural colonial monuments, historic modern-era 2 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 buildings, artifacts and sacred landscapes. Following Alva's calculations (2001:91), more than 200,000 monumental and archaeological sites may exist in Peru, most of them without any formal record and therefore, unknown in the nation's archaeological database. The constant destruction of archaeological sites caused by looting is another problem without an easy solution. These crimes involve a very well organized mafia connected with known worldwide antiquities dealers. As illustrated here, Peru has an enormous challenge in the administration of these resources due to their vast number and limited preservation by the government. The state of management of Peru's cultural heritage still lacks direction and a Master Plan in spite of the recent economic recovery of the country, although there are some positive signs in tune with current worldwide heritage practices. There is for instance, the Moche heritage management. For the last 30 years the North Coast of Peru, which is a coastal desert, has attracted investigations due to the monumental and elaborate culture of the Moche civilization. Sustainable archaeological projects have recovered important cultural spaces by incorporating the population living adjacent to the heritage sites. Monumental sites have been restored, for instance, terraced pyramids and their mural art are now exhibited to the public. These cases of integrating Pre-Hispanic adobe and mud plaster constructions into social use are rare examples of success in Peru where “academic research goals, and site conservation are incorporated into the social 3 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 network” (Higueras 2008:1085). These examples need to be followed and replicated at other archaeological sites. Even so, not all the sites with monumental architecture exhibit the excellent conditions of preservation of the northern coastal region. Each monument presents its own particular problems. Moche sites benefit from extreme soil aridity and insignificant amount of rain of the coastal desert environment. These factors have helped to preserve the PreHispanic monuments located along the western rolling hills of the Andes. Very different is the preservation of other archaeological sites due to climatic variability and multiplicity of ecosystems that feature the geography of Peru. These are factors that need to be considered in the initial planning stage of cultural heritage management. Part of the problem of improving the management of archaeological heritage in Peru lies with the theoretical position of archaeologists, their level of proficiency, ethics and political connections (i.e., business development preempts other societal needs). Archaeological Practice and Social Archaeology in Peru It is not my intention to make a detailed historiography of the progress and process of archaeological investigations in Peru. An analysis in this respect one can find elsewhere (see Matos 1994). In this paper, I would like to briefly mention the salient phases of archaeological research and focus on the current 4 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 archaeological thinking in relation to heritage. In general terms the history of archaeological heritage in Peru has much in common with of the United States. Especially the first antiquaries, whose interest was mostly pre-scientific, and dedicated to discovering the new world and describing the customs of the savages Indians.Those early descriptions held a high ingredient of racism. Similarly, a desire to know and study the past started in Peru from the moment the first voyagers and naturalists arrived in the 18th century. Raimondi (1845), Middendorf (1879) , Wiener (1880), and Squier (1877) wrote important descriptions, and depicted ancient monuments and people from the Andes. Not until many years later at the turn of the 20th century did, Max Uhle, a German born professor hired by Berkeley university establish the beginnings of scientific studies in the Andes. Though his primary interest was to collect archaeological artistic pieces for the Berkeley museum, he also excavated important archaeological centers and established the first cultural sequence (Kaulicke 1998). The second period of archaeological investigations is marked by the Peruvian archaeologist who defended the rights of native people and organized museums with an indigenous perspective was Julio C. Tello. In 1929 Tello created the Patronato Nacional de Arqueologia institution that functioned until 1968 and was replaced by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura . This later institution instead of protecting cultural patrimony has facilitated the depredation and illegal trafficking 5 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 of antiquities (Matos 1994:106). With the sudden death of Tello in 1947 and the postwar reconstruction, a wave of North American archaeologists, (Bennett, Rowe, Schaedel, among the most notable) came to the Andes with innovative archaeological methods from an evolutionary perspective, such as cultural stylistic analysis. Julian Steward condensed these studies with the publication of the Handbook of South American Indians in 1950. During the 1950's to 1960's, James Ford and Gordon Willey applied, for the first time in Peru, a regional settlement pattern study with statistical analysis to the Viru valley (Matos 1994:108-9). The American cultural-historicist approach influenced the development of archaeology in Peru until the 1970s, and is still influencing Latin American archaeologists (Politis 2003:245). According to Matos (1994:110), a third period of investigations (1970-1980s) characterized the involvement of Peruvian archaeologists in theoretical debates and theories, especially with the social archaeological theory based on the marxist materialist dialectic and Gordon Childe's cultural revolutions. Social archaeologists headed by Luis Lumbreras (1981) related archaeological practice to the political agenda of nationalisms as J.C. Tello did forty years ago (Tantalean 2010). The revival of the indigenous movement is implicit in the mode of production but rarely is shown in the empirical framework of social archaeological 6 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 studies. Marxist archaeologists have focused on the development of concepts and theories under the umbrella of the materialist doctrine, but there is little synthesis or real practical examples of Marxist archaeology (Politis 2003:253). Furthermore, local self-proclaimed social Marxist archaeologists have became reluctant to learn any other form of theoretical construction. Paradoxically their concise archaeological work is more in similar with the current cultural resource management (CRM) undertaken by contracted archaeologist projects than it is to nationalists archaeology. In my opinion this tendency toward radical intransigent nationalism imbued with political interests, that do not even favor minorities classes, is an obstacle to negotiate a meaningful agendas of planning the conservation of cultural heritage. The Development of Heritage Management in Peru For Higueras (2008:1075), Cultural Heritage Management is a detailed long-term plan with precisely outlined objectives and stages of implementation. He too laments the lack of initiative by government experts to propose management plans in important unprotected centers of cultural heritage. The scenario is different in others sectors, especially in academia. In the last twenty years Peruvian universities (e.g. Pontifical Catholic University (PUC)-, and University of Trujillo) have sponsored long term archaeological projects, -(such as San Jose de Moro, and Huaca del Sol y la Luna)-, with the participation of local communities in 7 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 tourism planning. The Huaca del Sol and Luna project, near the city of Trujillo, Peru has been functioning since the late 1980s with the support of local brewery, the University of Trujillo and the local municipality. The project has a permanent staff of archaeologists, conservators, museum personnel, laborers and tourist guides. A meticulous master plan has been followed, and that includes the opening of some areas of the pyramids with impressive Moche mural friezes. The friezes were restored, a visitor's circuit was established and a museum was created. The master plan also included improvement of the access roads and the re-organization of area's modest restaurants called “chicherias” or local corn breweries, with authentic culinary dishes. This small business and the surrounded infrastructure are direct beneficiaries from the tourism to Huaca del Sol y la Luna. In the same region, efforts at sustainable have result in the creation of on sitemuseums in on-going archaeological investigations. One successful example of this is the El Brujo complex; a stepped pyramid with restored friezes showing a sacrifice procession. A protective roof system has been installed over the large area exposed to public view. The Museum of the Royal Tombs of Sipan inaugurated approximately three years ago displays modern laboratories for artifact conservation. The Kuntur Wasi Museum in northern Peru (Onuki 2006), and the Sican Museum (Elera and Shimada 2006) in the Lambayeque Valley have also recently been created in rural areas, with decisive participation by the local communities. 8 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 However not all examples of heritage management in Peru are positive. The investigation and protection of archaeological heritage in less-developed nations such as Peru fall under the supervision of UNESCO World Heritage centre. This international organization monitors the Machu Picchu historical sanctuary, which is a UNESCO World Heritage Site. A recent report describes the fragile environment and suboptimal conditions for visitors (Regalado-Pezua and AriasValencia 2006:195-97). The excessive number of tourists per day (2000 approximately) contrast with the number of servants and stewards (500 people) whom gave occasional services when Machu Picchu was functioning (Salazar 2004:30). Geomorphological studies (Vilimek et al. 2006) have shown a slight landslide risk to the Inka city, and also have detected nearly imperceptible tectonic movements on the mountain underlying the city. During this 2010 rainy season, flooding devastated Aguas Calientes, the nearest town to Machu Picchu. The train system, the only means of transportation to the Inka city, collapsed due to mudslides and flooding leaving hundreds of tourists trapped at the site. These recent events have deteriorated the image of Cuzco and Machu Picchu and tourism as whole in Peru. The preservation of this important worldwide patrimony might be in danger as a result of inadequate policies with consequences for an important economic resource to the region of Cuzco and Peru in general. The north eastern mountains of Peru remain one of the most inaccessible regions of the world and also one of the most mythic due to the legends of the lost city of 9 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 El Dorado. The legend tells the story of a city of gold and the ultimate refuge of the last Inkas. These forested mountains were the locus of the Chachapoya civilization. Most of the information available for the Chachapoya comes from ethnohistoric sources, although lately archaeological work have reported large mountaintop citadels towns unknown until twenty years ago. The dense forest vegetation had covered these stone monuments until late 1990s when amateur archaeologists claimed to have found the mythical place of El Dorado (Church and Gamarra 2004:24-28). Adventurers fashioning themselves after Indiana Jones, are mounting costly expeditions and hiring large numbers of local inhabitants as guides to the region. This uncontrolled adventure tourism promotes looting at previously inaccessible archaeological sites. In the same region, although officially open to tourism, Kuelap is an extensive architectural complex in urgent need of conservation due to its fragile structural instability. Laguna de los Condores, is another recent discovery in the region where fabulous intact Inka and Chachapoya tombs were found in a rockshelter facing the lake (Laguna de los Condores). The decisive action of the Mallqui Institute made it possible to recover Inka textiles mummies with excellent preservation of features (Von Hagen and Guillen 1998). A site-museum has opened recently to investigate and conserve these textiles. 10 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 The Concept of Heritage Management The contemporary concept of heritage management not only includes the scientific study, conservation and interpretation of archaeological sites but also the actions taken in a given circumstance in relation to the social landscape or “social actors” (Robles 2006:114-15). The latter is defined as the people involved with the site and all kinds of relationships that they may have with the site heritage. In this sense, a long list can be made because even entities that are not physically present, may have some kind of dependency, such as hotels, restaurants, neighbors, property owners, bus operators, farmers, shepherds, etc. Among the reasons why we should protect and manage heritage, Cleere (1989:510) mentions four: 1) cultural identity, 2) educational purposes, 3) tourism, and 4) academia. I would develop these points but instead of academia I will prefer to talk about the responsible people who manage the heritage: archaeologist. This will be expose in a local contextual case of professional formation. 1. Cultural Identity Societies identify with their cultural heritage as a reaffirmation of national values perceived as a “territory, which is at the same time geographical, natural, historical and political” (Sanoja and Vargas 1989:64). In the case of Peru, cultural identity is synonymous with the inheritance of a vast patrimony that belongs not only to all Peruvians but also all of humankind, (UNESCO 2006). In reference to cultural identification in Peru, I have observed a marked difference between 11 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 people who live in the city, and campesinos or peasants who live in rural areas. The professional class in Lima manifest its pride towards buildings with Colonial and Republican architecture that form the historic center of the City, but fails to express the same toward archaeological monuments. They are looked upon more as curiosities of popular interest or their touristic value. Conversely, to the indigenous populations of the Andes mountains, there is an indifference towards pre-Hispanic monuments. In a few cases I have heard local residents, when pointing to the archaeological sites “this is the place where I came from”. But, I have also noticed that they are more reverent and respectful, and pay special attention when they refer to sacred mountains, springs and certain animals. Placing greater emphasis on elements in the natural environment is an ancestral Andean tradition that still survives among certain highlands communities (Allen 2002). Understanding the national identity of the indigenous people is a complex problem. Centuries of oppression and social discrimination have self maintained apart or auto-marginalized. Remy (1995:121) observes, that during the last 30 years an accelerated migration to the cities has occasioned an emergent social class the mestizo, or racial mix between white-Spanish and indigenous, that has fully integrated to the society and constitute an informal economic force or capitalism emergent. 12 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 By using massive media, the governmental tourism office mounted and intense campaign to sell Machu Picchu to local and foreigner tourism. This effort has turned Machu Picchu, an archaeological site, into a national symbol synonymous with Peru (Flores Ochoa 2004:109). This pervasive identification of all Peruvians with a single archaeological site is a contemporary phenomenon with no connection to ancestral roots. It has inserted itself into the identity and patriotism of all Peruvians. This association of Machu Picchu-with Peru, has the same meaning as the Chaco Canyon (or Statue of Liberty/Liberty Bell)-with the United States, Rome-with Italy, Pyramids-with Egypt, or Parthenon-with Greece. In other words, national values and identity are supported by historic centers. Multiple ethnic groups identify as part of same cultural entity with an ancestral founding lineage manifested in material culture. 2. Education When heritage sites in developing countries have the resources necessary to cover basic functions of investigation, preservation, and interpretation, they constitute centers for education and learning about the past. It is a positive impact that favors schools, the economy and the neighborhood around the archaeological heritage. The heritage site is interpreted as having a fundamental connection to the community. Such an interpretation is the last phase of a series of consecutive stages in the heritage management process that needs to be 13 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 consciously planned with the involvement of the local population on this task (Kwas 2003:15). Because the historical significance of the heritage site is going to be shared with the community, its content should be accessible to the general public in a very simple and understandable manner. 3. Tourism One of the most important economic sources for the maintenance of heritage sites are the profits generated by tourism. Tourism stimulates the economy of the area in which the site is located (Holtorf 2005:96). Without tourism probably very few site-museums could survive. Nevertheless, tourism is not the sole purpose of a heritage site. Its historical meaning can become too easily confused with commercial business. For instance, the Inka city of Machu Picchu is a symbol that easily identifies Peru as a nation, however it also portrays an implicit meaning of tourism and dollars. The whole city of Cuzco depends on the profits that Machu Picchu generates. More than 75% of the tourists who visit Peru experience Cuzco and Machu Picchu. Silverman (2006b:159) considers the historic city of Cuzco an open-air museum, “a museum inside another museum”. Cuzco was the capital of the Inka empire; and despite the modern occupation and the colonial buildings built over Inka structures, fine Inka architectural walls are still visible in the streets of the city. On the other hand, the quality of tourism services throughout Peru are not the best. Mc Grath (2005) moreover, notes an imbalance in the tourist guide service. Tourism services in Peru are concentrated in the southern 14 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 cone of the country. The monumental archaeological heritage located in the northern cloudy rain forest region and ecological tourist destinations like coastal beaches have yet to fully benefit from the surge of the tourism in Peru. 4. Contract Archaeologist, Cultural Resources Management In this decade Peru has experienced an increasing demand for archaeological studies as a side effect of the liberal economic approach of the last three governments and the aggressive position of some global corporations in the search for minerals and oil. Peru's economy is essentially driven by the mining industry. Most of the minerals are exported raw to developed countries, although some refining is also done at the mine sites. To mitigate environmental impacts, the minerals and energy sector requires the elaboration of Environmental Impact Assessments, where impacts to cultural resources must be considered and disclosed. The legislation in Peru obligates project applicants to complete archaeological surveys in areas that might be impacted by the development. For that reason many environmental consulting firms are in need of archaeologists to perform these jobs. This fact has tremendously energized the job market for archaeologists and many students have reconsidered the profession of archaeologist not as a dilettante but as a lucrative career. In contrast twenty years ago, the only source of employment for Peruvian archaeologists in Peru was to find a temporary position in one of the American or European projects, “which was the only way to learn to do archaeology” (Matos 1994:113). Currently to 15 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 work as a contract archaeologist in Peru, one needs to have a bachelor's degree, which is automatically conferred at the end of the fourth year in university. A degree license, which is a professional designation, is obtained by either a proficiency exam or thesis. Finally, after registration at the National Institute of Culture (INC), the Peruvian governmental agency, the archaeologist is able to work as a professional in Peru. With these requirements, but little field experience, young archaeologists are hired by companies to perform archaeological work. The demand for archaeologists in the private sector continues to rise. However, competitive bidding wins environmental contracts, the cheapest proposal usually wins. This means that few firms look at the professional experience and other accreditations of the bidder or the quality of the proposal. As a result, archaeologists with little training fulfill a client's minimal requirements with dubious archaeological reports, which are usually approved by INC. This unfortunate scenario of the status of the state of the current cultural resources management in Peru is not always a rule. There are exceptional examples of good work and responsibility to the client and the discipline. Some recent intellectual contributions to Andean studies, especially from previously unsurveyed areas, have been derived from CRM archaeology. 16 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 I partially agree with the idea that “CRM is not archaeological research” (Dunnell 1984:67) in that they have different approaches. But considering the embryonic stage of Peruvian CRM archaeology, in Peru, information obtained through CRM projects can be a useful stepping stone into in-depth research. For example, only through CRM projects related to private development in the Andes is it feasible to obtain radiocarbon dates from controlled stratigraphic excavations. This is perhaps the only way to initiate a useful understanding of the temporal position and spatial extension of determined Pre-Hispanic ethnic group. Developing countries cannot afford to disregard the opportunity that CRM gives to accumulate archaeological information. There is a need for the science and the profession to move beyond the current limitations of contracted CRM and give more professionalism to the archaeologist of Peru. Improving standards through the implementation of a graduate degree program in the conduction of CRM projects, could guarantee professionalism, effective communication and real understanding of the past (Jeske 2002:27-9). In this way the current clientoriented tendency (Raab 1984:51-4) of the young professional archaeologists can become more research-oriented. Legislation In Peru, every Pre-Hispanic building and the artifacts within it belong to the nation (Law DS 28296/2004, Ley de Patrimonio Monumental de la Nacion). The government agency that deals with cultural patrimony is the Instituto Nacional de 17 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 Cultura or National Institute of Culture (INC), an entity marked by its huge bureaucratic apparatus, and a low number of relatively inexperienced technical staff. Normally the actions of staff are subordinate to the political interests of the state's administration. Without prior consultation with experts and other stakeholders in the nation's cultural heritage, and in a context of promoting private development on public and private lands, the current Peruvian legislature has modified the law requiring cultural investigations (Law DS 009/2009). The objective is to facilitate the concession of lands for development with only a superficial archaeological assessment that contains minimal field investigation, analysis and publication of the results. These new regulations have opportunistic implications for the people that perform the work. Some have observed that the attitude of superficiality an expediency in the law has extended itself to the heritage specialists (archaeologists) as reflected by a lack of stewardship and ethics (Silverman 2006:58). The same has been noted by Higueras (2008:1074). Ucko (1989:xiii) has asserted that to understand the purpose of cultural heritage legislation in protecting sites from development, one has to acknowledge the fundamental and critical role of the entity given the authority to define what cultural resources are significant, the range of significance, and equally important, what resources are not worth preserving. Therefore, the (INC), which serves as the rector of cultural heritage in Peru, needs to be reinforced structurally at various levels to face its responsibilities toward cultural heritage 18 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 with efficacy. There is an urgent need to change INC, from highly a centralized bureaucracy to a more simplified entity capable of making relatively autonomous decisions and to provide it with qualified staff who have a clear sense of the demands of cultural heritage management in the 21st century. Conclusions It is necessary in Peru to see the preservation of cultural heritage management as a means to promote a national identity and to make tourism as a subordinate, but productive secondary goal. In this global economy that has permeated all aspects of our culture and society, the opposite is true, the heritage of Peru is seen only as a tourist resource, and this influence is erroneously absorbed by Peruvian heritage's planners. In a context of CRM archaeology in Peru, even if the archaeological information is segmented and many times has bias, I do not find the obligated reason of left behind time sequences in local archaeological practices, just because global current tendencies are pointing other directions. CRM in Peru needs to be technically implemented. Peru is a diverse nation that because of its poverty, remains in a process of formation, with an almost single minded emphasis placed on economic development. Nevertheless, the country needs to sustain a connection between its indigenous population and the tangible evidence of its heritage. When this 19 Victor M Ponte Anthr 802 engagement process is completed (Hodder 1999:163), it will empower the indigenous people in making the right decisions concerning their patrimony. I have pointed out some progress in this area by in the management of archaeological sites in the rural areas of the northern coast of Peru. Reference Cited Allen, Catherine J. 2002 Alva, Walter 2001 The Destruction, Looting and Traffic of the Archaeological Heritage of Peru. In Trade in Illicit Antiquities:the Destruction of the World's Archaeological Heritage. N. Brodie, J. Doole and C. Renfrew eds., pp.89-96. London: McDonald Institute Monographs. The Hold Life Has: coca and cultural identity in an Andean community. Washington D.C. Smithsonian Books. Burger, Richard and Lucy C. Salazar (Editors). 2004 Macchu Picchu, Unveiling the Mystery of the Incas. 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